Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick stalled President Donald Trump's crackdown on companies suspected of diverting Nvidia chips to China, according to an Axios report published Wednesday and syndicated by Reuters. Trump authorized the action last Thursday, Nov. 5, for the third time this year, after consulting Elon Musk, the report said. But Lutnick repeatedly stood in the way, and the action has still not been taken.

The report describes a confrontation inside the administration over one of the most sensitive parts of U.S. China policy. Commerce's Bureau of Industry and Security controls the Entity List, the blacklist that determines which foreign companies can buy American technology. The list has not been updated since October 2025, the longest stretch between new postings in more than a decade. The dispute is whether to add firms suspected of moving Nvidia chips to China, including Megaspeed, a Singapore-based company at the center of the Nvidia espionage scandal.

The Entity List is a blunt instrument, but it is the government's main enforcement tool. Once a company is added, U.S. suppliers need a license to sell it controlled technology, and those licenses are usually denied. The listing can also reach foreign-made products that use American software or equipment, which is why it is feared by companies outside the United States. Adding a firm is a bureaucratic process, but it is ultimately a policy decision that can be made quickly when the administration wants to act.

The Commerce Department denied part of the account. A spokesperson said Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent did not confront Lutnick, according to the Axios report as summarized by other outlets. The White House and a spokesperson for Lutnick did not immediately respond to Reuters. The report relies on high-level sources, and the administration has not released a readout of the meetings it describes.

What the report says

According to Axios, Lutnick met in the Situation Room last Thursday with Bessent, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, Trade Representative Jamieson Greer, and Secretary of State Marco Rubio. Bessent confronted Lutnick about his department's resistance to implementing export controls. Lutnick appeared to agree but said he needed to check with the president.

Later that day, the report says, the discussion moved to the Oval Office. Trump phoned Musk, who sided with Bessent, Rubio, Hegseth, and Greer. Lutnick warned that the move would start a trade war with China. Trump responded, "Let's get it done," according to Axios. Lutnick then offered to work up options and return, and the action still has not happened. One official told Axios that Lutnick is stalling it out.

The account fits a pattern. Reuters reported in June that the administration had held off adding China's AI startup DeepSeek, memory chipmaker CXMT, and more than 100 other companies flagged as national security risks to the trade blacklist. The lack of Entity List additions since October 2025 has frustrated lawmakers who want a tougher line, and it has become a political problem for an administration that has otherwise taken a hard stance on China.

The policy backdrop

The dispute is not about whether to restrict chip exports in general. The administration has restricted the most advanced Nvidia chips, including Blackwell, while allowing older H200 chips to be sold to China in exchange for a 25% tariff. That compromise was designed to keep American companies in the market while preserving a technological edge. The question now is enforcement: whether the government will act against companies that are suspected of moving restricted chips through third countries.

The Nvidia scandal raised the stakes. Nvidia's board launched an investigation after reports that Chief Executive Jensen Huang had a close relationship with a Chinese businesswoman whom U.S. intelligence officials believed was spying for Beijing. The woman, Alice Huang, worked at Megaspeed, the Singapore company that authorities have investigated over chip shipments from Southeast Asia to China. Nvidia has said it has no reason to believe national security or company secrets were compromised. The company and Megaspeed have not commented in detail on the allegations.

Megaspeed matters because it sits at the intersection of the two stories. It is a Singapore-registered company, outside the direct reach of U.S. export controls unless it is added to the Entity List or its transactions touch the U.S. financial system. It has been linked to Shanghai Century Litong, the Chinese company at the center of the reported chip network. If the administration wants to shut down that network, Megaspeed is an obvious target. The fact that it has not been added is what makes the Axios report credible to critics of the Commerce Department.

Lawmakers have responded by pushing legislation. Three China-focused chip bills are in the Senate version of the defense authorization bill: the Chip Security Act, which would require tracking of exported chips; the AI Overwatch Act, which would expand congressional oversight of export licenses; and the MATCH Act, which would press allies to match U.S. equipment controls. The bills are not in the House version, and negotiators are working out whether they survive the conference.

The political pressure is coming from both parties. The Nvidia affair gave lawmakers a concrete example of how a personal relationship could interact with export compliance, and it made the case for tougher controls easier to sell. The administration has tried to keep the relationship with Beijing on a stable footing, including a trade truce and tariff negotiations. The chip fight is a reminder that the truce does not settle the technology competition.

The denial and the stakes

The Commerce Department's denial is narrow. A spokesperson disputed that Bessent confronted Lutnick but did not address the rest of the Axios account, according to NDTV's coverage. That leaves the core allegation, that Lutnick delayed the action, unanswered in public. The White House has not explained why the Entity List has not been updated since October 2025, and it has not said whether Megaspeed will be added.

The reporting carries the usual caveats of a story built on anonymous sources. Axios says it spoke to high-level officials, and Reuters could not independently confirm the accounts of the Situation Room and Oval Office meetings. Commerce disputed one detail. But the central fact, that the crackdown has not happened, is public and undisputed. The disagreement is about why.

For Nvidia, the policy matters in both directions. A crackdown could cut off more of its China business and complicate its relationships with distributors. A permissive approach could expose the company to more allegations that its chips are reaching restricted buyers. Nvidia reports earnings on Nov. 17, and investors will be listening for any commentary on China revenue and export controls.

For the broader chip industry, the Entity List is the main enforcement tool. Adding a company to the list cuts it off from U.S. suppliers, which can be more consequential than a tariff. The absence of additions for more than a year signals that the administration has chosen a narrower approach, whether for diplomatic, economic, or political reasons. The Axios report suggests the reason may be a bureaucratic fight rather than a strategic decision.

The process question

The story is also about how export-control decisions are made. Commerce has the legal authority, but the National Security Council, Treasury, State, and Defense all have a voice. When they disagree, the president decides. The Axios report describes a president who decided and a department that did not act. That is a governance problem as much as a policy one.

The chip bills in Congress would change that balance by giving lawmakers a larger role in reviewing licenses and by requiring tracking of exported chips. They would not directly force Entity List additions, but they would make it harder for an administration to slow-walk enforcement without explanation. The bills' prospects depend on the defense authorization conference and on whether the White House weighs in for or against them.

The China angle is the other variable. Beijing has denied the espionage allegations and warned against tighter controls. If the administration adds Megaspeed or other firms to the Entity List, China could retaliate against U.S. chip companies or restrict critical minerals. That risk is part of why Lutnick may be reluctant, and why the debate has lasted this long. Lutnick's warning about a trade war, as described by Axios, is not an idle threat: the two countries have been managing a fragile truce, and a new blacklist action would test it.

What to watch

The first thing to watch is the Entity List. Any addition, especially Megaspeed, would show that the crackdown is moving. A continued freeze would support the Axios account and increase pressure on Lutnick. The second is Congress. The chip bills in the defense authorization bill could become the vehicle for a tougher policy if the administration does not act.

The third is Nvidia's earnings on Nov. 17 and the board investigation. A strong report would not resolve the policy fight, but it would change the political context. The fourth is the White House. If Trump reiterates his approval and demands action, Lutnick's position becomes harder. If the White House stays quiet, the stalemate may continue.

The report has already done damage inside the administration. A cabinet secretary accused of ignoring a presidential decision is a story that does not go away quickly, especially when the decision involves national security and a company at the center of a spy scandal. The next Entity List posting, or the absence of one, will be the clearest signal of who is winning the argument.

Primary sources

  1. Reuters via Astro Awani for the Axios report, the Situation Room meeting, Trump's approval, Musk's involvement, and the Entity List context.
  2. NDTV for additional coverage of the report and the Commerce Department's denial.
  3. Mavengity's Nov. 11 Nvidia article and Nov. 11 chip-bills article for the market and legislative background.